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Excerpted from Why Gender
Matters by Leonard Sax, M.D., Ph.D. Copyright © 2005 by Leonard
Sax, M.D., Ph.D.. Excerpted by permission of Doubleday, a division
of Random House, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt
may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from
the publisher.
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Guest Article... |
Differences
by
Leonard Sax, M.D., Ph.D.
© 2005

We're entering a new period in science, in which
the rewards will come less from the breakthrough investigations of
individual scientists than from fitting together the pieces of
research to see what it all means . . . Social and biological
insights are leaping together, part of a large and complex jigsaw
puzzle to which the contributions of many sciences are essential.
--Shelley Taylor, professor of psychology, UCLA, 20021
Matthew turned five years old the summer before
kindergarten started. He was looking forward to it. From what he had
heard, kindergarten sounded like just one long play date with
friends. He could hardly wait. So his mother, Cindy, was surprised
when, in October, Matthew started refusing to go to school, refusing
even to get dressed in the morning. More than once, Cindy had to
dress him, carry him writhing and thrashing into the car, and then
drag him from the car into the school. She decided to investigate.
She sat in on his kindergarten class. She spoke with the teacher.
Everything seemed fine. The teacher—gentle, soft-spoken, and
well-educated—reassured Mom that there was no cause for alarm. But
Cindy remained concerned, and rightly so, because major problems
were just around the corner.
Caitlyn was a shy child and just the slightest bit overweight all
through elementary school. In middle school, she underwent a
metamorphosis from chubby wallflower to outgoing socialite. She lost
weight so quickly that her mother, Jill, worried she might be
anorexic. For the next four years, though, everything seemed
great—in a frantic and crazy sort of way. Caitlyn was juggling a
heavy academic load, had lots of friends, and maintained a full
schedule of after-school activities, staying up until midnight or
later doing homework. But she seemed happy enough: often frenzied
and frazzled, sure, but still happy. Or at least that's what
everybody thought until the phone rang at 3 a.m. that awful,
unforgettable November night. A nurse told Jill that Caitlyn was in
the emergency room, unconscious, having tried to commit suicide with
an overdose of Vicodin and Xanax.
These true stories(2) share a grim common element: each kid started
out okay, then took a turn in the wrong direction. There is another
element in common as well. In both cases the problem arose because
the parents did not understand some basic differences between girls
and boys. In each case, trouble might have been averted if the
parents had known enough about gender differences to recognize what
was really happening in their child's life. In each case, the
parents could have taken specific action that might have prevented
or solved the problem.
We will come back to both of these kids later in this book. Right
now it may not be obvious to you how each of these stories
illustrates a failure to understand sex differences in child
development. That's okay. Later on, we'll hear more about Matthew
and Caitlyn. Armed with some basic knowledge about hardwired gender
differences, you'll be able to recognize where the parents made the
wrong decision or failed to act, and you'll see how the story might
have ended differently.
The Dubious Virtue of Gender-Neutral Child-Rearing
I enrolled in the Ph.D. program in psychology at the University of
Pennsylvania in September 1980. Governor Ronald Reagan was
challenging President Jimmy Carter for the Presidency. The original
Apple computer had recently come on the market. "My typewriter is
working fine," was the answer the department secretary gave me when
I asked her whether she would be getting a word processor anytime
soon. Nobody I knew had ever heard of Bill Gates, e-mail, or the
Internet. The invention of the World Wide Web still lay ten years in
the future.
Among the courses I took that fall was a graduate seminar in
developmental psychology. "Why do girls and boys behave
differently?" my professor, Justin Aronfreed, asked rhetorically.
"Because we expect them to. Imagine a world in which we
raised girls to play with tanks and trucks, in which we encouraged
boys to play with dolls. Imagine a world in which we played
rough-and-tumble games with girls while we cuddled and hugged the
boys. In such a world, many of the differences we see in how girls
and boys behave—maybe even all the differences—would vanish."
In another seminar my fellow graduate students and I learned about
the extraordinary work of Professor John Money at Johns Hopkins.
Professor Money had been consulted by the parents of an unfortunate
little boy whose penis had literally been sizzled off during a
botched circumcision. At Dr. Money's recommendation, the boy had
been raised as a girl, with excellent results (according to Dr.
Money). The child loved to play dress-up, enjoyed helping Mom in the
kitchen, and disdained "boy toys" such as guns or trucks. "Dr.
Money's work provides further evidence that most of the differences
we observe between girls and boys are socially constructed,"
professor Henry Gleitman told us. "We reward children who follow the
sex roles we create for them while we penalize or at least fail to
reward children who don't conform. Parents create and reinforce the
differences we observe between girls and boys."
We nodded sagely. In clinical rotations we often encountered parents
who still clung to the quaint notion that girls and boys were
different from birth. But we knew better.
Or so we thought.
When I left Philadelphia to begin my residency in family practice, I
threw out most of the papers I had accumulated during my six years
at the University of Pennsylvania. Stacks of photocopied scientific
papers had to go out in the trash. But there was one manila folder I
didn't throw out, a folder containing a series of studies done by
Professor John Corso at Penn State during the 1950s and 1960s,
demonstrating that females hear better than males.(3)
Four years later, after I finished my residency, my wife and I
established a family practice in Montgomery County, Maryland, just
outside of Washington, D.C. Years passed. I wasn't thinking much
about gender differences. Then in the mid-1990s, I began to notice a
parade of second- and third-grade boys marching into my office,
their parents clutching a note from the school. The notes read:
"We're concerned that Justin [or Juan or Michael or Tyrone] may have
attention deficit disorder. Please evaluate."
In some of these cases I found that what these boys needed wasn't
drugs for ADD, but rather a teacher who understood the hardwired
differences in how girls and boys learn. Upon further inquiry, I
found that nobody at the school was aware of gender differences in
the ability to hear. I reread Professor Corso's papers, which
documented that boys don't hear as well as girls. In the next
chapter we'll look more closely at evidence for gender differences
in hearing.
Think about the typical second-grade classroom. Imagine Justin, six
years old, sitting at the back of the class. The teacher, a woman,
is speaking in a tone of voice that seems about right to her. Justin
barely hears her. Instead, he's staring out the window, or watching
a fly crawl across the ceiling. The teacher notices that Justin
isn't paying attention. Justin is demonstrating a deficit of
attention. The teacher may reasonably wonder whether Justin perhaps
has attention deficit disorder.
The teacher is absolutely right about Justin showing a deficit of
attention. But his attention deficit isn't due to "attention deficit
disorder," it's due to the fact that Justin can barely hear the
soft-spoken teacher. The teacher is talking in a tone of voice that
is comfortable to her and to the girls in the class, but some of the
boys are practically falling asleep. In some cases we might be able
to fix the problem simply by putting the boy in the front row.
Once, after I had done such an evaluation and made my
recommendations, the parents told me that the school had advised
them to seek a second opinion. "It's not that we don't trust you,
Dr. Sax," Mom said. "It's just that the school really thinks we
should get an opinion from an expert."
I soon learned that the only doctors that this particular school
considered to be "experts" were doctors who always prescribed
medication. Curious to know whether my experience was unique, I
obtained funding from the American Academy of Family Physicians to
survey all the doctors in the Washington area. Our survey basically
asked one simple question: Who first suggests the diagnosis of ADD?
The results: in the majority of cases the diagnosis of ADD is made
by the teacher. Not by the parents, nor the neighbors, nor the
doctor.(4)
There would be nothing wrong with teachers diagnosing their students
as long as they had the training—and the resources, and adequate
time—to distinguish the boy with ADD from the boy who just
doesn't hear as well as most girls do. But after talking to dozens
of teachers in our county, I didn't find one who was aware of the
studies showing that girls hear better than boys.
"You should write a book, Dr. Sax," one of these parents told me.
"Write a book so that teachers know about the differences in how
girls and boys hear."
I allowed myself a patronizing smile. "I'm sure that there must
already be dozens of such books for teachers, and for parents," I
said.
"There aren't," she said.
"I'll find some for you," I said.
That conversation took place about seven years ago. Since then I've
read lots of popular books about differences between girls and boys.
And guess what. That mom was right.
Not only do most of the books currently in print about girls and
boys fail to state the basic facts about innate differences between
the sexes, many of them promote a bizarre form of political
correctness, suggesting that it is somehow chauvinistic even to hint
that any innate differences exist between female and male. A tenured
professor at Brown University recently published a book in which she
claims that the division of the human race into two sexes, female
and male, is an artificial invention of our culture. "Nature really
offers us more than two sexes," she claims, adding, "Our current
notions of masculinity and femininity are cultural conceits." The
decision to "label" a child as a girl or a boy is "a social
decision," according to this expert. We should not label any child
as being either a girl or a boy, this professor
proclaimed. "There is no either/or. Rather, there are shades of
difference."(5) This book received courteous mention in the New
York Times and the Washington Post. America's most
prestigious medical journal, the New England Journal of Medicine,
praised the author for her "careful and insightful" approach to
gender.(6)
I soon assembled a small library of best-selling books that counsel
parents that the best child-rearing is gender-neutral child-rearing.
These books tell parents that true virtue is to be found in training
your child to play with toys traditionally associated with the
opposite sex. You should buy dolls for your son, to teach him how to
nurture.(7) You should buy an Erector set for your daughter. The
underlying assumptions—that giving dolls to boys will cause boys to
become more nurturing, or that giving girls Erector sets will
improve girls' spatial relations skills—are never questioned. In
fact, no scientific evidence exists to support the claim that
gender-neutral child-rearing has any measurable benefit, regardless
of which parameter you measure.(8)
On the same bookshelf you can find books that do affirm the
existence of innate differences in how girls and boys learn. But
what books! Books with titles like The Wonder of Boys and
Girls Will Be Girls promote antiquated and inaccurate gender
stereotypes. "Girls are more emotional than boys." "Boys have a
brain-based advantage when it comes to learning math." As we'll see,
those familiar notions turn out to be false.
On one hand, you have books claiming that there are no innate
differences between girls and boys, and that anybody who thinks
otherwise is a reactionary stuck in the 1950s. On the other, you
have books affirming innate differences between girls and boys—but
these authors interpret these differences in a manner which
reinforces gender stereotypes.
These books have only one thing in common. They are based less on
fact, and more on their authors' personal beliefs or political
agenda—either to deny innate sex differences, or to use sex
differences in child development as a justification for maintaining
traditional sex roles.
After waiting a few years for somebody else to write a book about
girls and boys based on actual scientific research, I finally
decided to write one myself. But I made myself a promise. Every time
I make any statement about how girls and boys are different, I will
also state the evidence on which my statement is based. Every
statement I make about sex differences will be supported by good
science published in peer-reviewed journals.
There is more at stake here than the old question of nature versus
nurture. The failure to recognize and respect sex differences in
child development has done substantial harm over the past thirty
years—such will be my claim throughout this book. Children today
face challenges that are substantially different from those you
faced as a child or teenager, fifteen or twenty or thirty or forty
years ago. Look at the statistics on drugs and alcohol, for
starters. Teenage girls today are four times more likely to drink
than their mothers were. They're fifteen times more likely to
use drugs than their mothers were.(9) Traditionally, alcohol abuse
has been more of a problem for teenage boys than for teenage girls.
Not anymore. In a report published in 2004, the National Research
Council reported that young teenage girls are now more likely
than boys to be drinking alcohol regularly—not because boys are
drinking less, but because girls are drinking more.(10)
If girls have closed the gender gap with regard to alcohol abuse,
boys are still more likely to be getting into trouble with drugs.
According to FBI statistics, the number of boys under eighteen
arrested for drug abuse offenses has increased by more than 50
percent in the past ten years; boys under eighteen are still five
times more likely to be arrested for drug abuse violations than are
girls under eighteen.(11) In chapter 7, I'll explore how the
cultural and professional neglect of sex differences has compounded
the drug problem.
But school, not drugs, is the "new" problem for boys. While today's
girl is more likely to have problems with drugs and alcohol than her
mother was, today's boy is much more likely to be struggling in
school than his father was. Boys today are increasingly alienated
from school. Recent investigations have shown a dramatic drop over
the past twenty years in boys' academic performance in American
schools.(12) According to the United States Department of Education,
the average eleventh-grade American boy now writes at the same level
as the average eighth-grade girl.(13) Similar gender gaps have been
documented in the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, and
Canada.(14) And the percentage of boys going on to college, and
graduating from college, is falling. The U.S. Department of
Education now projects that in the year 2011, there will be 140
women graduating from college for every 100 men—very nearly a 60/40
female-to-male ratio.(15)
The future may already have arrived. Several major U.S. colleges and
universities, such as New York University and the University of
North Carolina, already report that their student body is more than
60 percent female.(16) I'm all in favor of women's colleges, but you
have to ask the question: Why are nominally coed schools looking
more and more like all-women's colleges? The proportion of boys
going on to college is dropping steadily, as is the proportion of
young men who are sticking around long enough to graduate. The high
school dropout rate in the United States is now close to 30 percent,
and the great majority of dropouts are boys.(17) More and more boys,
discouraged by years of failure in elementary school, middle school,
and high school, are asking: "Why should I stick around for any more
of this?" Later in the book we'll hear from teachers who know how to
use gender differences to kindle real enthusiasm for learning
in both girls and boys.
Still, many educators and policymakers stubbornly cling to the dogma
of "social constructionism," the belief that differences between
girls and boys derive exclusively from social expectations with no
input from biology. Stuck in a mentality that refuses to recognize
innate, biologically programmed differences between girls and boys,
many administrators and teachers don't fully appreciate that girls
and boys enter the classroom with different needs, different
abilities, and different goals.

Excerpted from Why Gender Matters by
Leonard Sax, M.D., Ph.D. Copyright © 2005 by Leonard Sax, M.D.,
Ph.D.. Excerpted by permission of Doubleday, a division of
Random House, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt
may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing
from the publisher.

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